Biden’s campaign also could not say whether the meeting happened or not. Well, you know, take a look at Russia now. Whether that was true or not, but that was the atmosphere right after the election. BIDEN: The answer is yes, I think it was a wise decision. So, what's wrong and how to fix the problem? The question is when the run ends. Phone call between Rau and Pompeo, Michael Carpenter, Joe Biden's foreign policy advisor, Georgette Mosbacher talks U.S.-Poland relations and Duda-Trump meeting in an interview for TVN24. I think—I think they’ve got—I think they’ve got a real problem. Thank you.

Thanks for contacting us. What else should the Ukrainian military do to reach NATO standards? But then again, I was pushing that for two years before we left, so. I don’t think that having tried to integrate Russia into those institutions was a mistake because there’s still history ahead of us and we need to have that play out. Even more so, Russia established unilateral control over the Kerch Strait and the Sea of Azov. I’m going to be leaving here in, I think it was about six hours.

I’m done. I like her. It’s actually less to it right now substantively than it was during most of the four decades of Cold War.

supports HTML5 video, Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement; 47th Vice President of the United States (2009 to 2017), Senior Director, Penn Biden Center for Diplomacy and Global Engagement; Former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (2015 to 2017), President, Council on Foreign Relations; Author, A World in Disarray: American Foreign Policy and the Crisis of the Old Order. I’m struck, too, by how different our views of the world are, but also—and it comes out in their article—by the case for at least exploring the possibility of limited cooperation in meeting the challenges posed, say, by North Korea’s nuclear-missile program, on trying to reduce conflict in eastern Ukraine, or in Syria. And so what Russia has essentially done is it’s taken the fight from what was originally just contained to the post-Soviet space and taken that fight now to Europe, to the United States, by subverting our institutions internally, by using sometimes hard power, but more often corruption, energy, information, and cyber to be able to undermine these democratic institutions, as I said, internally.

We didn’t know the extent of it then either. I'm not trying to imply that they have improper motivations or they're not patriotic - I just simply don't know what their true motivations are for some of these candidates. And one of the things that constantly came up was a refrain very much along those lines, that in order for Russia to leave the one thing Putin could never countenance would be on Russian TV reprisals against ethnic Russians on the Ukrainian side. Michael Carpenter, foreign policy advisor to Biden, Russia will feel sanctions if transactions of at least one large bank are blocked, Privacy policy and personal data protection. But on Donbas, I truly believe Putin’s play here is to turn the—he would be happy with a negotiated resolution to the Donbas, but as long as the Donbas is turned into something akin to Republika Srpska in Bosnia. And then as we got further—and so we went up. No, I’m serious. And looking backwards over the last quarter of a century, in some ways it’s anticipating what history will grapple with. HAASS: OK, Barbara Slavin, right here on the front row. It’s not—I don’t see—I don’t understand where the mutual interest lies. And his argument was, to vastly oversimplify it—it was much more articulate than I’m about to state—but was that this is not the time to worry the new leadership in Russia that they’re about to be surrounded and overtaken, et cetera. "I think the security relationship is going to be central in how his administration approaches relations with Poland" - he added. October 20, 2020, Interactive And so I haven’t given up hope. People ask me: What was the hardest part of leaving the vice presidency? It should be made very clear to Russia and Russian authorities what it means. CARPENTER: Yeah. I think this is key, which you alluded to, looking at both, not just in terms of election infrastructure, but in terms of financial transactions, money laundering, real-estate deals, campaign finance, all of this. Is it accurate or useful, either or both, to describe where we are with Russia as a second or new cold war? I mean, here we are, we’re talking about Russian interference in the United States, whether there was collusion between the Trump administration and Russia. — while the elder Biden was vice president. And let’s start. You mentioned that you believe that Russia’s interests kind of eventually lie more in terms of engagement with the West. And so the—it’s going to be a really tough, tough time to get them to the place where their citizens think they have any future. And among other things, it called for the United States to rethink the policies of the past two decades when it came to several countries, China and Russia—so let’s focus on Russia, given our subject today—and it described those policies as being based on the assumption that engagement with Russia and its inclusion in international institutions and global governance would turn it into a benign actor and a trustworthy party. And you saw that play out, you know, prior to the last administration. And then, there's some question about whether they might even apply a similar strategy with a nuclear-armed country, which is incredibly dangerous. HAASS: Before I call—I just want to put one other issue on the floor before I get another question or two, which is Ukraine. It's certainly possible but let's not pretend. So, I don't think it's impossible. All rights reserved. So the bottom line was it was tricky as hell. And I don’t think Xi Jinping, in my view, looks to Russia as anything other than an occasional foil. (Laughter.). By clicking “I agree” below, you consent to the use by us and our third-party partners of cookies and data gathered from your use of our platforms. You obviously know the rhetoric of main candidates. And so there was this constant tightrope that was being walked here as to what would we do. If he doesn’t get that, we’re going to see the low boil, we’re going to see the fighting continue, and we’re going to see, more importantly, dirty money flowing into Kyiv to affect their politics. So, it is of concern. We had an argument inside the outfit I used to work with about that. (Laughter. "Also that the USA would support Polish energy independence, and we also discussed visas. My name is Richard Haass, by the way. I don't think the Ukrainians should by any stretch give up hope on NATO. But that doesn’t mean that this is a fait accompli that this is the way things are going to be. Do Not Sell My Personal Information, Your California Privacy Rights 92,604, © 2020 NYP Holdings, Inc. All Rights Reserved HAASS: Should we—moving forward, what’s wrong with the notion essentially of telling them what the cost will be? You also agree to our Terms of Service. If you take a look, I predict to you you’re going to see Moscow reducing its presence in the region, not expanding its presence. The head of the "Polish Americans for Trump" official committee Łucja Świątkowska-Cannon pointed out that Polish Americans were separated into two groups: one that had arrived to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century, and the other group that joined after the WWII. Did we have to get to where we are, or could it have been avoided? A: Well, I've written an article about this for The American Interest on sanctions. The U.S. can do this unilaterally, and we can apply full restrictions on all transactions for Russian banks. And I wonder if you agree. In your opinion, what minimum time does Ukraine need to become a NATO member? And so what happened was they did some good things. West Germany had a territorial conflict with East Germany and they enter NATO. I always was being sent to the Hill to try to settle things. News and publications marked as "Advertisement" and "PR" and articles in the section "Releases" include promoted content, and an advertiser is responsible for the content. by Paul J. Angelo

I don’t any evidence that suggests that would be the case. So I think there were some—you know, there was at least 100 years of history and beyond in Russia that made it difficult to actually set up these institutions in the first instance. Scott Moore from the World Bank. She didn't mean only Poles, but the middle-class in general, industrial workers" - she added. And I've pointed out the sanctions that have been applied so far have been very weak, especially when you compare them with a type of sanctions that we've applied in the past to other countries like Iran, where we really had a meaningful impact. But the gang of 12 were called together. That's our choice meaning the U.S. and the West as a whole, and it's a huge mistake frankly. If, in fact, you do not continue to show progress in terms of corruption, we are not going to be able to hold the rest of Europe on these sanctions, and Russia is not going to roll across the inner line here and take over the rest of the country with their tanks. It’s like, well, yeah, they’re doing something out there, but let’s keep moving. I want to welcome one and all to today’s Council on Foreign Relations meeting which, among other things, is here to launch the January-February issue of Foreign Affairs magazine. There are 40+ professionals named "Michael Carpenter", who use LinkedIn to exchange information, ideas, and opportunities. View Michael Carpenter’s profile on LinkedIn, the world's largest professional community. And so everything he can do to dismantle the post-World War II liberal world order, including NATO and the EU, I think, is viewed as in their immediate self-interest. I don’t think we can give up on the possibility. They’re incredibly dangerous as they continue to engage in this precipitous decline. HAASS: Never go up against a pro, that’s what I should have—should have known. (Laughter.) If so, what Ukraine and the West could do to prevent this challenge? Now, I do see there’s places where each will use the other for their benefit relative to us. I suspect that there is a lot of covert dark money that's being channeled to different candidates and campaigns. A: It's an obstacle in the sense that some allies will claim that it is an obstacle, and therefore it becomes a political issue. The president said—I said, call him. I don’t—I really don’t get it. Coauthors Joe Biden and Michael Carpenter discuss the article, “How to Stand Up to the Kremlin: Defending Democracy Against Its Enemies,” which appears in … And how does that play vis-à-vis Iran? We don’t have to make any of this up. Sitemap And thank God Merkel was strong enough at the time to reluctantly—she didn’t like it either—to stand with us, but always worked in Kyiv.

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